New Releases by James A. Robinson

Critically acclaimed author James Robinson''s book JSA- THE GOLDEN AGE is printed in a new edition! Presenting the thought-provoking alternate comic book-history tale of the Justice Society of America in a new edition. The JSA, the heroes of WWII, find themselves face to face with a new kind of oppression in "McCarthy Era" America! Some of the greatest heroes of the 1940s, including the original Green Lantern, Atom, Hawkman and Starman, among others, return in this epic tale. The story follows their postwar adventures as they battle evil in a world they fear may no longer need them. And as their importance wanes, a new hero, Dynaman, rallies the nation behind a fascist agenda... Collects JSA- THE GOLDEN AGE #1-4.

Um livro que vai mudar a maneira como você vê e entende o mundo Nesse clássico moderno da economia e das ciências humanas, Daron Acemoglu e James A. Robinson investigam a história de civilizações separadas tanto pelo tempo quanto pela geografia para responder a uma questão que há séculos intriga os estudiosos: por que algumas nações são ricas e outras são pobres? Por meio de uma teoria de base universal, os autores afirmam que as estruturas sociais criadas pelo homem são o que sustenta o sucesso econômico — e o fracasso — das nações. Os países só escapam à pobreza quando dispõem de instituições adequadas, com a preservação do direito à propriedade privada e da livre concorrência. Acemoglu e Robinson defendem, ainda, a tese original de que a probabilidade de os países desenvolverem boas instituições é maior quando contam com um sistema político pluralista e aberto, com disputa de cargos, eleitorado amplo e espaço para a emergência de novos líderes. A partir desses argumentos, demonstram como algumas mudanças podem contribuir para instituições mais plurais, inovações progressistas e êxito econômico, enquanto outras, ao contrário, só estabelecerão mais instituições repressoras e extrativistas que levarão os países à decadência e à estagnação.

Inédito no Brasil, O corredor estreito estuda as condições necessárias para que os países vejam o nascimento da liberdade — ou sua extinção. Após o sucesso de Por que as nações fracassam, best-seller do The New York Times, os renomados economistas Daron Acemoglu e James A. Robinson fazem um levantamento das formas que a relação entre sociedade e Estado podem tomar a partir de uma base elementar: a liberdade — ou a ausência dela. No centro de sua teoria, explicam que a liberdade só é mantida por meio de um embate constante entre a população e quem a governa. Se um Estado forte é necessário para conter a violência, impor a ordem, fomentar a prosperidade econômica e oferecer meios para que a população possa seguir os caminhos que escolher, é igualmente importante uma sociedade forte e mobilizada para controlar e limitar os excessos do poder estatal. A liberdade é rara: no jogo de poder que a estabelece, a vontade individual encontra seu limite no outro, e os dois lados precisam ter forças equivalentes para que floresça. Há, porém, exemplos na história em que a tensão dá espaço ao diálogo, e o que antes era um campo de batalha se torna um corredor estreito que tanto a sociedade quanto o Estado podem trilhar em sua cooperação para pavimentá-lo. Em tempos de incertezas e instabilidade — em que o corredor estreito da liberdade corre o risco de se tornar um atalho para a ruína —, a genialidade de Acemoglu e Robinson constrói neste livro os caminhos pelos quais sociedade e Estado podem colaborar para o desenvolvimento mútuo.

The French Revolution of 1789 had a momentous impact on neighboring countries. The French Revolutionary armies during the 1790s and later under Napoleon invaded and controlled large parts of Europe. Together with invasion came various radical institutional changes. French invasion removed the legal and economic barriers that had protected the nobility, clergy, guilds, and urban oligarchies and established the principle of equality before the law. The evidence suggests that areas that were occupied by the French and that underwent radical institutional reform experienced more rapid urbanization and economic growth, especially after 1850. There is no evidence of a negative effect of French invasion. Our interpretation is that the Revolution destroyed (the institutional underpinnings of) the power of oligarchies and elites opposed to economic change; combined with the arrival of new economic and industrial opportunities in the second half of the 19th century, this helped pave the way for future economic growth. The evidence does not provide any support for several other views, most notably, that evolved institutions are inherently superior to those ''designed''; that institutions must be ''appropriate'' and cannot be ''transplanted''; and that the civil code and other French institutions have adverse economic effects.

¿Qué determina que un país sea rico o pobre? ¿Cómo se explica que, en condiciones similares, en algunos países haya hambrunas y en otros no? ¿Qué papel juega la política en estas cuestiones? Que algunas naciones sean más prósperas que otras, ¿se debe a cuestiones culturales?, ¿a los efectos de la climatología?, ¿a su ubicación geográfica? No, en absoluto. Ninguna cuestión relativa a la prosperidad de un país está relacionada con estos factores, sino proviene de otro mucho más tangible: la política económica que dictaminan sus dirigentes. Son los líderes de cada país, afirman los reconocidos profesores Daron Acemoglu y James A. Robinson en este libro, quienes determinan con sus políticas la prosperidad de su territorio, y así ha ocurrido en todos los períodos de la historia, como demuestran en este apasionante estudio.

Modernization theory is a cornerstone of much of political science, despite the mounting evidence against its predictions. In this paper, we argue that the theory''s failings are rooted in predictions that are not conditioned on history and cultural configurations. We outline a theory in which the interplay of the distribution of political power and cultural configurations lead to three distinct self-reinforcing paths of political development, with very different state-society relations, institutions, and economic structures. These are paths to Despotic, Absent and Shackled leviathans. The role of cultural configurations, made up of attributes in a society''s culture set, is critical in legitimizing the social arrangements in each path. For example, a Despotic Leviathan, as in China, cannot be understood without appreciating how Confucian culture has been used to bolster a worldview in which rulers are supposed to be virtuous and regular people are discouraged from political participation. We argued that this interpretation is not inherent to Confucian thought, but has to be understood as an endogenous outcome along the trajectory to the Despotic Leviathan. None of the three different paths we highlight support modernization theory. Under the Absent Leviathan, there is no economic modernization. Under the Despotic Leviathan, economic growth bolsters the existing regime and its supporting cultural configuration, with no tendency towards democracy or associate political changes. Under the Shackled Leviathan, there are dynamics leading to economic growth and political changes with greater bottom-up participation. Nevertheless, the causation does not go from the former to the latter, and these changes are critically dependent on cultural and political entrepreneurship in order to formulate and popularize new cultural configurations and institutionalize political changes.

This paper proposes a new framework for studying the interplay between culture and institutions. We follow the recent sociology literature and interpret culture as a "repertoire", which allows rich cultural responses to changes in the environment and shifts in political power. Specifically, we start with a culture set, which consists of attributes and the feasible connections between them. Combinations of attributes produce cultural configurations, which provide meaning, interpretation and justification for individual and group actions. Cultural figurations also legitimize and support different institutional arrangements. Culture matters as it shapes the set of feasible cultural figurations and via this channel institutions. Yet, changes in politics and institutions can cause a rewiring of existing attributes, generating very different cultural configurations. Cultural persistence may result from the dynamics of political and economic factors -- rather than being a consequence of an unchanging culture. We distinguish cultures by how fluid they are -- whereby more fluid cultures allow a richer set of cultural configurations. Fluidity in turn depends on how specific (vs. abstract) and entangled (vs. free-standing) attributes in a culture set are. We illustrate these ideas using examples from African, England, China, the Islamic world, the Indian caste system and the Crow. In all cases, our interpretation highlights that culture becomes more of a constraint when it is less fluid (more hardwired), for example because its attributes are more specific or entangled. We also emphasize that less fluid cultures are not necessarily "bad cultures", and may create a range of benefits, though they may reduce the responsiveness of culture to changing circumstances. In many instances, including in the African, Chinese and English cases, we show that there is a lot of fluidity and very different, almost diametrically-opposed, cultural configurations are feasible, often compete with each other for acceptance and can gain the upper hand depending on political factors.

We examine the long-run economic impact of the Dissolution of the English monasteries in 1535, during the Reformation. Since monastic lands were previously not marketed and relatively unencumbered by inefficient types of customary tenures linked to feudalism, the Dissolution provides variation in the longevity of feudal institutions, which is plausibly linked to labor and social mobility, the productivity of agriculture and ultimately the location of the Industrial Revolution. We show that parishes impacted by the Dissolution subsequently experienced a ''rise of the Gentry'', had higher innovation and yields in agriculture, a greater share of the population working outside of agriculture, and ultimately higher levels of industrialization. Where Catholics lingered, there was less development. Our results are consistent with explanations of the Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions which emphasize the commercialization of society as a key pre-condition for taking advantage of technological change and new economic opportunities.

This paper proposes a new framework for studying the interplay between culture and institutions. We follow the recent sociology literature and interpret culture as a "repertoire", which allows rich cultural responses to changes in the environment and shifts in political power. Specifically, we start with a culture set, which consists of attributes and the feasible connections between them. Combinations of attributes produce cultural configurations, which provide meaning, interpretation and justification for individual and group actions. Cultural figurations also legitimize and support different institutional arrangements. Culture matters as it shapes the set of feasible cultural figurations and via this channel institutions. Yet, changes in politics and institutions can cause a rewiring of existing attributes, generating very different cultural configurations. Cultural persistence may result from the dynamics of political and economic factors -- rather than being a consequence of an unchanging culture. We distinguish cultures by how fluid they are -- whereby more fluid cultures allow a richer set of cultural configurations. Fluidity in turn depends on how specific (vs. abstract) and entangled (vs. free-standing) attributes in a culture set are. We illustrate these ideas using examples from African, England, China, the Islamic world, the Indian caste system and the Crow. In all cases, our interpretation highlights that culture becomes more of a constraint when it is less fluid (more hardwired), for example because its attributes are more specific or entangled. We also emphasize that less fluid cultures are not necessarily "bad cultures", and may create a range of benefits, though they may reduce the responsiveness of culture to changing circumstances. In many instances, including in the African, Chinese and English cases, we show that there is a lot of fluidity and very different, almost diametrically-opposed, cultural configurations are feasible, often compete with each other for acceptance and can gain the upper hand depending on political factors.

"«Chi si allontana dal gruppo è preda del falco» recita un proverbio del popolo ashanti: il mondo è crudele e i forti hanno sempre oppresso i deboli con la violenza. In assenza di un''autorità centrale l''unica protezione è rifugiarsi in una gabbia – spesso opprimente – di norme, tradizioni e alleanze tra clan. Viceversa, uno Stato forte può proteggere gli individui, ma rischia di mutarsi in un mostro, in una dittatura oppressiva. Per gran parte della storia umana, in ogni luogo e tempo, la libertà non è stata qualcosa di scontato e naturale, ma una conquista sofferta ottenuta solo imboccando una vera e propria strettoia. Questo corridoio virtuoso esiste quando i poteri dello Stato e della società sono in equilibrio: quando le istituzioni sono forti, in grado di fornire servizi e far rispettare le leggi; e quando, al tempo stesso, i cittadini hanno la capacità di tenere sotto controllo e chiamare in causa le autorità. La strettoia analizza il modo in cui le nazioni sono riuscite a bilanciare queste due forze in equilibrio precario. Ripercorre la via attraverso cui alcune sono entrate nel corridoio della libertà e altre ne sono rimaste fuori o ne sono dolorosamente uscite. Esplora la storia della democrazia in Grecia, della nascita degli Stati Uniti e di quella delle nazioni create da Maometto e Shaka a partire da terre e popoli divisi. Traccia le origini di un''Europa dai molteplici centri di potere e di una Cina dominata da un''autorità centrale, con i loro percorsi drammaticamente diversi. Indaga le radici del fallimento di molte rivoluzioni nel Medio Oriente e delle speranze per il futuro dell''Africa. Dopo il best seller Perché le nazioni falliscono, Acemoglu e Robinson aggiungono un nuovo tassello fondamentale al loro grande mosaico che ritrae la storia delle società umane. E ci ricordano, oggi più che mai, che la libertà non è dovuta, ma è una vittoria che dipende da un fragile equilibrio di forze, in bilico tra il caos e l''oppressione."

Bazată pe cincisprezece ani de cercetare, cartea abordează, printr-o lectură plăcută și accesibilă, o temă crucială din economia politică actuală: diferența enormă de venit și de standard de viață dintre țările bogate și cele sărace ale lumii. Acemoglu şi Robinson demonstrează că ţările ies din sărăcie numai când au instituţii economice adecvate, când au un sistem politic pluralist deschis, în care există concurenţă pentru funcţiile politice şi deschidere către noi lideri politici. Aducând argumente din economie, politică și istorie, autorii oferă o modalitate nouă, puternică şi convingătoare de înţelegere a bogăţiei şi a sărăciei. Acemoglu şi Robinson – doi dintre cei mai importanţi experţi din lume în domeniul dezvoltării – ne arată că nu geografia, bolile sau cultura, ci chestiunea instituţiilor şi a politicii explică, mai degrabă, de ce unele naţiuni sunt bogate şi altele sărace. Această carte extrem de accesibilă oferă o perspectivă pătrunzătoare binevenită atât pentru specialişti, cât şi pentru publicul larg. Francis Fukuyama

The classic superhero series Starman, starring a Gen-X superhero, returns in this massive omnibus hardcover edition by James Robinson (Batman: Face the Face) and Tony Harris (Ex Machina). The superheroic legacy of Starman is renewed in these stories, in which Jack Knight--antiques collector and dealer--inherits the name and powers of his father''s old Starman identity from his older brother, who has been assassinated. Reluctantly adjusting to his role, Jack reinvents the look of Starman, ditching the traditional red and green in favor of black leather and aviator goggles. But Jack has inherited more than a heroic identity from his brother...he''s also gained a foe: the beautiful but mentally unbalanced Nash, daughter of the villain known as the Mist. Jack also must come to grips with the Shade, the morally ambiguous former villain who decides to become Jack''s mentor. Collects Starman issues #0-42, Starman Annual: Framing Sequence #1, Starman Annual: The Death of Prince Gavyn #1, Starman Annual: The Witch #1, The Shade #1-4, Starman Secret Files #1 and Power of Shazam #35-36.

La libertad no es el orden natural de la humanidad. En la mayoría de lugares y de épocas, los fuertes han dominado a los débiles y la libertad ha sido aplastada por la fuerza o por las costumbres y las normas. A menudo los Estados no han tenido la suficiente capacidad para proteger a los individuos o, por el contrario, han sido tan fuertes que la gente no ha podido defenderse de su despotismo. La libertad sólo surge cuando se logra un equilibrio delicado y frágil entre el Estado y la sociedad. El pasillo que lleva a la libertad es estrecho y sólo puede recorrerse si se produce una lucha constante entre el Estado y la sociedad. Pero, ¿en qué consiste esa lucha? En un recorrido fascinante que nos lleva del mundo árabe en tiempos de Mahoma a las ciudades-Estado de la Italia medieval, de la Latinoamérica de las dictaduras a la Suecia que inventó la socialdemocracia, de la caótica República de Weimar a la China imperial, El pasillo estrecho nos introduce en el que tal vez sea el proceso más fascinante de la historia: el de la obtención de la libertad. Una libertad que solo puede existir cuando la sociedad cuestiona el poder del Estado y de las élites, pero también cuando, al mismo tiempo, existe un Estado robusto capaz de defender nuestros derechos cuando estos se ven amenazados. ¿Por qué algunas sociedades han conquistado la libertad y otras se ven sometidas a tiranías o regímenes incompetentes?

La libertad no es el orden natural de la humanidad. En la mayoría de lugares y de épocas, los fuertes han dominado a los débiles y la libertad ha sido aplastada por la fuerza o por las costumbres y las normas. A menudo los Estados no han tenido la suficiente capacidad para proteger a los individuos o, por el contrario, han sido tan fuertes que la gente no ha podido defenderse de su despotismo. La libertad sólo surge cuando se logra un equilibrio delicado y frágil entre el Estado y la sociedad. El pasillo que lleva a la libertad es estrecho y sólo puede recorrerse si se produce una lucha constante entre el Estado y la sociedad. Pero, ¿en qué consiste esa lucha? En un recorrido fascinante que nos lleva del mundo árabe en tiempos de Mahoma a las ciudades-Estado de la Italia medieval, de la Latinoamérica de las dictaduras a la Suecia que inventó la socialdemocracia, de la caótica República de Weimar a la China imperial, El pasillo estrecho nos introduce en el que tal vez sea el proceso más fascinante de la historia: el de la obtención de la libertad. Una libertad que solo puede existir cuando la sociedad cuestiona el poder del Estado y de las élites, pero también cuando, al mismo tiempo, existe un Estado robusto capaz de defender nuestros derechos cuando estos se ven amenazados.

Development outcomes come in "clusters'' that seem difficult to exit. Using original data from Colombia, we present evidence of the interconnection between two critical political components: state weakness and clientelism. State weakness creates the right environment for clientelism to flourish. Clientelism sets in place a structure of incentives for politicians and citizens that is detrimental to building state capacity. We show that vote buying, as a measure of clientelism, and tax evasion, as a measure of state weakness, are highly correlated at the micro level. We also report evidence that both practices are widely accepted in society, a result consistent with a deeply entrenched relationship of mutually reinforcing influences. Finally, we propose a set of mechanisms that underlie the hypothesis that a weak state and widespread clientelism are part of a political equilibrium with multiple feedback loops. Our results suggest that state weakness is a trap that is likely hard to exit.

Von den Wirtschaftsnobelpreisträgern 2024 Wie viel Staat muss sein? Nach dem internationalen Bestseller »Warum Nationen scheitern?« widmen sich Starökonom Daron Acemoglu und Harvard-Politologe James A. Robinson in ihrem neuen Buch dieser fundamentalen Frage. Auseinandersetzungen zwischen rivalisierenden Milizen in Libyen, Einschränkung der Presse- und Demonstrationsfreiheit in der Türkei, Umerziehungslager in Nordkorea. Gegenwärtig erleben wir viele Staaten als problematisch: sie sind entweder gescheitert, überreguliert oder despotisch. Aber wie viel Staat ist denn eigentlich notwendig? Die Autoren geben hierauf eine überraschende und provokante Antwort. Anhand zahlreicher historischer und aktueller Beispiele – vom antiken Griechenland über Deutschland im Nationalsozialismus bis zum heutigen China – zeigen sie: Wohlstand, Sicherheit und Freiheit sind in hohem Maße von dem richtigen Rahmen abhängig, in dem der ewige Kampf um Macht zwischen Staat und Gesellschaft ausgetragen wird. Eine überzeugende Analyse, die demonstriert: Ein starker Staat und eine starke Gesellschaft sind kein Widerspruch, sondern bedingen sich gegenseitig.

La libertad no es el orden natural de la humanidad. En la mayoría de lugares y de épocas, los fuertes han dominado a los débiles y la libertad ha sido aplastada por la fuerza o por las costumbres y las normas. A menudo los Estados no han tenido la suficiente capacidad para proteger a los individuos o, por el contrario, han sido tan fuertes que la gente no ha podido defenderse de su despotismo. La libertad sólo surge cuando se logra un equilibrio delicado y frágil entre el Estado y la sociedad. El pasillo que lleva a la libertad es estrecho y sólo puede recorrerse si se produce una lucha constante entre el Estado y la sociedad. Pero, ¿en qué consiste esa lucha? En un recorrido fascinante que nos lleva del mundo árabe en tiempos de Mahoma a las ciudades-Estado de la Italia medieval, de la Latinoamérica de las dictaduras a la Suecia que inventó la socialdemocracia, de la caótica República de Weimar a la China imperial, El pasillo estrecho nos introduce en el que tal vez sea el proceso más fascinante de la historia: el de la obtención de la libertad. Una libertad que solo puede existir cuando la sociedad cuestiona el poder del Estado y de las élites, pero también cuando, al mismo tiempo, existe un Estado robusto capaz de defender nuestros derechos cuando estos se ven amenazados.

From the winners of the 2024 Nobel Prize for Economics and the authors of the international bestseller Why Nations Fail "Why is it so difficult to develop and sustain liberal democracy? The best recent work on this subject comes from a remarkable pair of scholars, Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson. In their latest book, The Narrow Corridor, they have answered this question with great insight." —Fareed Zakaria, The Washington Post In Why Nations Fail, Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson argued that countries rise and fall based not on culture, geography, or chance, but on the power of their institutions. In their new book, they build a new theory about liberty and how to achieve it, drawing a wealth of evidence from both current affairs and disparate threads of world history. Liberty is hardly the "natural" order of things. In most places and at most times, the strong have dominated the weak and human freedom has been quashed by force or by customs and norms. Either states have been too weak to protect individuals from these threats, or states have been too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism. Liberty emerges only when a delicate and precarious balance is struck between state and society. There is a Western myth that political liberty is a durable construct, arrived at by a process of "enlightenment." This static view is a fantasy, the authors argue. In reality, the corridor to liberty is narrow and stays open only via a fundamental and incessant struggle between state and society: The authors look to the American Civil Rights Movement, Europe’s early and recent history, the Zapotec civilization circa 500 BCE, and Lagos’s efforts to uproot corruption and institute government accountability to illustrate what it takes to get and stay in the corridor. But they also examine Chinese imperial history, colonialism in the Pacific, India’s caste system, Saudi Arabia’s suffocating cage of norms, and the “Paper Leviathan” of many Latin American and African nations to show how countries can drift away from it, and explain the feedback loops that make liberty harder to achieve. Today we are in the midst of a time of wrenching destabilization. We need liberty more than ever, and yet the corridor to liberty is becoming narrower and more treacherous. The danger on the horizon is not "just" the loss of our political freedom, however grim that is in itself; it is also the disintegration of the prosperity and safety that critically depend on liberty. The opposite of the corridor of liberty is the road to ruin.

I have the power! One of the most popular TV series ever comes to the printed page here, as the complete comics adventures of He-Man, She-Ra, Skeletor and the Masters of the Universe are collected in one giant-size omnibus! Prince Adam sets out to reclaim the mantle of HE-MAN, a legendary power that he can wield for the powers of good. But around every turn the evil villain Skeletor seeks to destroy the young hero and keep him from finding his fellow Masters. But their adventures aren''t confined to just one universe. After narrowly escaping his last battle with He-Man, Skeletor has fled to the most unexpected realm to recover: EARTH! Once there, he sets a plan in motion to siphon off Earth''s core magic. Forging an unlikely hunting party, He-Man and company go in search of Skeletor and find themselves at odds with the heroes of the DC Universe, He-Man and the Masters of the Universe must find a way to stop Skeletor and his mysterious new master! It''s called Eternia--the homeworld of He-Man and the Masters of the Universe. Here, this legendary hero harnesses the Power of Grayskull to protect his planet against the evil forces of Skeletor, the skull-faced embodiment of evil. Then dimensions away, another evil has set its sights on Eternia''s champion. The menace of Mumm-Ra is spreading, even as his hated rival, Lion-O, is crowned king of the Thundercats. Mumm-Ra knows only one weapon can stand against Lion-O''s unstoppable Sword of Omens: He-Man''s Sword of Power. And he and his merciless minions are prepared to take it by any means necessary. From such legendary creators as James Robinson (Starman), Dan Abnett (Aquaman) and Keith Giffen (Justice League International), the further tales of He-Man and the Masters of the Universe are here! Collects He-Man and the Masters of the Universe #1-19, He-Man: The Eternity War #1-15, DC Universe vs. Masters of the Universe #1-6, DC Comics Presents #47 and He-Man/Thundercats #1-6.

"Batman created by Bob Kane with Bill Finger"

The Gods separated Themyscira from the world for a good reason: it serves as the prison for the God of War, and the most powerful army ever created stands guard around him! So what happens when the greatest evil in the universe decides he wants that army for himself? The power of the ancient gods has returned Darkseid to his former self, but he wants more--he wants the throne of Apokolips back! But to put down the rebellions and civil war raging on his homeworld, he''ll need an army more powerful than he''s ever had before. That sounds suspiciously like the Amazons! Meanwhile, Wonder Woman''s brother Jason has always longed to meet his mother, Hippolyta, but the machinations of the gods have made it impossible. But now, with the barrier between worlds at its thinnest, could they come face-to-face at last? Should Wonder Woman help him return home, if it could lead to the destruction of the Amazons? From superstar writer James Robinson and artist Carlo Pagulayan comes the next great Wonder Woman epic in Wonder Woman Vol. 7! Collects Wonder Woman #38-45.

"Superman created by Jerry Siegel and Joe Shuster, by special arrangement with the Jerry Siegel family; Batman created by Bob Kane with Bill Finger; Wonder Woman created by William Moulton Marston."

Heartless, mechanical cruelty meets dogged human courage and perseverance! In the aftermath of the events in James Cameron’s The Terminator (1984), John Connor sends a strike team into the past to destroy Cyberdyne, the company that will eventually create the world-controlling computer Skynet. But the machines counter by sending a team of Terminators to block the attempt—turning Los Angeles into a war zone! Before Terminator 2: Judgment Day or any of the other film sequels, Dark Horse Comics carried the torch for the Terminator saga, creating a continuity that carried the action across the world and across time. The story in this volume, by John Arcudi and Chris Warner, paved the way for a rich parade of sequel tales. Also included in this volume: The Terminator: One Shot, by writer James Robinson and artist Matt Wagner! Introduction by John Arcudi.

Three generations of crime-fighters join together for the greater good: Sentinel, Wildcat, the Flash, Black Canary, Starman, Sand, Hourman, Atom Smasher, the Star-Spangled Kid and Hawkgirl. The heroes of the present and legends of the past come together to form the Justice Society of America! They have been called upon to save one of their own from one of the darkest powers ever to walk this earth… Celebrated comics writer Geoff Johns began his career here, as he mixed in younger, edgier characters with the elder statesmen of superheroes to create one of the standout DC Comics series in the 2000s. Johns is joined by acclaimed screenwriter David Goyer (The Dark Knight trilogy) and artists including Stephen Sadowski (Avengers/Invaders), Michael Bair (HAWKMAN) and others. JSA BY GEOFF JOHNS BOOK ONE collects JSA SECRET FILES #1 and JSA #1-15.

From the visionary mind of Matt Wagner, the world of Grendel returns with two value-priced omnibus volumes collecting all Grendel Tales stories! Featuring some of the best writers and artists in the industry and never-before-collected material, Grendel Tales Omnibus Volume 1 is sure to be a hit with longtime fans of this iconic character or newcomers just discovering Wagner''s strange, dystopian future, where the angry spirit of Grendel is part of everyone''s lives! With over 400 pages of story and art to enjoy and all cover work reproduced, Dark Horse is proud to present the Grendel Tales Omnibus collections!

Societies under similar geographic and economic conditions and subject to similar external influences nonetheless develop very different types of states. At one extreme are weak states with little capacity and ability to regulate economic or social relations. At the other are despotic states which dominate civil society. Yet there are others which are locked into an ongoing competition with civil society and it is these, not the despotic ones, that develop the greatest capacity. We develop a dynamic contest model of the potential competition between state (controlled by a ruler or a group of elites) and civil society (representing non-elite citizens), where both players can invest to increase their power. The model leads to different types of steady states depending on initial conditions. One type of steady state, corresponding to a weak state, emerges when civil society is strong relative to the state (e.g., having developed social norms limiting political hierarchy). Another type of steady state, corresponding to a despotic state, originates from initial conditions where the state is powerful and civil society is weak. A third type of steady state, which we refer to as an inclusive state, emerges when state and civil society are more evenly matched. In this case, each party has greater incentives to invest to keep up with the other, and this leads to the most powerful and capable type of state, while simultaneously incentivizing civil society to be equally powerful as well. Our framework highlights that comparative statics with respect to structural factors such as geography, economic conditions or external threats, are conditional - in the sense that depending on initial conditions they can shift a society into or out of the basin of attraction of the inclusive state. Keywords: civil society, contest, political divergence, state capacity, weak states. JEL Classification: H4, H7, P16.