New Releases by Aaron Wildavsky

Aaron Wildavsky well understood that federalism is about freedom and diversity - not hierarchy and decentralization. His was an intensely normative concern with the promise of federalism and its abandonment in the United States. Over time, he became increasingly focused on political culture, federalism, and the Western domains of social life as fields of cultural competition. Although his interest in federalism was overshadowed by his work on political culture, it remained a visible theme in his writing. Federalism and Political Culture is a collection of Wildavsky''s essays on federalism over the latter part of his career. It is the second in a series, of his posthumous collected writings. Federalism is not a conventional collection on comparative federal systems, but deals with what federalism means, how it should work, and how it has been abused by those in power who protested their commitment to federal principles and practices but acted otherwise. Wildavsky''s analyses concentrate mainly on American federalism after the Great Society of the 1960s which brought major changes to the American federal system. The essays trace the progress of his thought as he first argues that true federalism is noncentralization, then to federalism as competition, and then combines both in reasserting that real federalism is possible only in a confederation.

Political time is counted not in years, but in issues—the Depression defined the political era of the 1930s just as the Cold War did the 1950s and civil rights the 1960s. In the 1980s, the federal budget loomed as the dominant issue by which all others were considered and has become a concern that catalyzes debate in our nation''s capital. In this definitive work, Joseph White and Aaron Wildavsky describe and analyze the struggles over taxing and spending from Carter''s last year through the Reagan administration. The battle of the budget is largely about defining the role of the government and its relationship to the people. It involves congressional horse-trading, partisan posturing, and technical tricks that affect billions of dollars. It is also a story of politicians operating within constraints set by both public opinion and political interpretation of economic reality. Though budgeting has always been important, its impact on the national agenda has grown dramatically. Based on documentary sources and extensive interviews with participants, The Deficit and the Public Interest explains how budgeting works so the reader can see what is at stake in seemingly arcane disputes. It also explains the relationship of the budget to the media as well as to party and policy activists and explores the ways in which the deficit represents a crisis of confidence in our institutions, preeminently Congress and the presidency. Along the way, it provides a uniquely comprehensive account of the entire budget problem, exploring Gramm-Rudman, tax reform, and the continuing political gridlock. The authors demonstrate that institutions have performed better than their members and critics believe, and they contend that extreme solutions to the deficit would likely be much worse than the original problems. Redefining the problem as one of reducing interest costs so the deficit becomes manageable, they proffer political advice on how to make this approach politically acceptable, both at home and abroad. This title is part of UC Press''s Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1989.

This title is part of UC Press''s Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1974.

Polsby and Wildavsky’s classic text argues that the institutional rules of the presidential nomination and election processes, in combination with the behavior of the mass electorate, structure the strategic choices faced by politicians in powerful and foreseeable ways. We can make sense of the decisions made by differently situated political actors—incumbents, challengers, Democrats, Republicans, consultants, party official, activists, delegates, journalists, and voters—by understanding the ways in which their world is organized by incentives, regulations, events, resources, customs, and opportunities.

The author of this stunning set of essays on politics and public policy makes crystal clear the meaning of the title. "The revolutionaries of contemporary America do not seek to redistribute privilege from those who have it to those who do not. These radicals wish to arrange a transfer of power from those elites who now exercise it to another elite, namely themselves, who do not. This aspiring elite is of the same race (white), the same class (upper middle and upper), and the same educational background (the best colleges and universities) as those they wish to displace." Wildavsky''s bracing work takes a close look at these elites, who probably make up little more than one percent of the population. He sees their common denominator as hostility toward the masses, anti-American attitudes, derision of authority, and a belief in participatory rather than representative politics. The author carries through these themes in a variety of essays on black-white racial relations, social work orientations and black militancy, the politics of budgetary reform, elite and mass trends in the political party system, and the substitution of bureaucratic for democratic modes of advancing the policy process. This work is, in short, vintage Wildavsky: tough minded, spirited, and plain-spoken political analysis. In his new Introduction, Irving Louis Horowitz examines what has changed and what continues to be salient in Wildavsky''s line of analysis. Essentially, the report card on The Revolt Against the Masses is that the situation described in these essays has changed somewhat in style but hardly at all in substance. The nuclear shield replaces the ABM treaty, and Afghanistan replaces Vietnam as centers of political gravity-but the same coalition of forces across party and economy still dominate the American political process. The justifiably famous essay on "The Two Presidencies" shows how persistent is the gap between the conflict over domestic priorities and the consensus on foreign policy-and why. This is, in short, a classic text that continues to merit careful study by all those interested in political life. Aaron Wildavsky was, until his death in 1993, professor of political science and public policy at the University of California in Berkeley. He was also director of its Survey Research Center. He served as director of the Russell-Sage Foundation, was a president of the American Political Science Association, and held a number of visiting professorships during his lifetime. Most recently, Transaction has posthumously published Wildavsky''s complete essays and papers in five volumes. Irving Louis Horowitz is Hannah Arendt distinguished university professor emeritus at Rutgers, The State University, and longtime friend and associate of Aaron Wildavsky.

As a result of a lifetime of incomparably wide-ranging investigations, Aaron Wildavsky concluded that politics in the United States and elsewhere was a patterned activity, exhibiting recurring regularities. Political values, beliefs, and institutions were neither endlessly varied, nor haphazardly organized. They tended to exhibit a limited range of variation, and were organized in discoverable, predictable ways. In Cultural Analysis, the fourth collection of his essays posthumously published by Transaction, Wildavsky argues that American politics, public law, and public administration are the contested terrain of rival, inescapable political cultures.Analysts of American politics distinguish liberals from conservatives and Democrats from Republicans, but do not explain how these categories of political allegiance develop, maintain themselves, or change. Wildavsky offers a cultural-functional explanation for ideological and partisan coherence and realignment. Wildavsky also felt that these dualisms did not adequately capture the ideological and partisan variation he observed on the political landscape. Like others, he detected another recurring strain of political allegiance: that of classical liberalism or libertarianism. People of this political stripe valued freedom more than equality (the primary political value of contemporary liberals), and also more than order, the primary political value of conservatives.The value of Wildavsky''s reconceptualization of the ideological and social foundations of political conflict, compromise, and coalition is assessed here by Wildavsky''s former colleagues and students at the University of California, Berkeley: Dennis Coyle, Richard Ellis, Robert Kagan, Austin Ranney, and Brendon Swedlow.

Protecting ourselves against the risks associated with modern technologies has emerged as a major public concern throughout the industrialized world. Searching for Safety is unique in its exposition of a theory that explains how and why risk taking makes life safer and exposes the high risk of avoiding change. The book covers a wide range, including how the human body, as well as plants, animals, and insects, cope with danger. Wildavsky asks whether piling on safety measures actually improves safety. While he agrees that society should sometimes try to prevent large-scale harm, he explains why a strategy of resilience—learning from error how to bounce back in better shape—is usually better. His intention is to shift the debate about risk from passive prevention of harm to an active search for safety. This book will be of special interest to those concerned with risk involving technology, health, safety, environmental protection, regulation, and more.

The Art and Craft of Policy Analysis is a classic work of the Public Policy discipline. Wildavsky’s emphasis on the values involved in public policies, as well as the need to build political understandings about the nature of policy, are as important for 21st century policymaking as they were in 1979. B. Guy Peters’ critical introduction provides the reader with context for the book, its main themes and contemporary relevance, and offers a guide to understanding a complex but crucial text.

Broadening the Contours in the Study of Black Politics, volume 17 of the National Political Science Review (NPSR), is divided thematically into two books, available separately or as a set. The first concentrates on the institutional aspects of Black politics. The second book addresses various dimensions of social capital that constitute the fundamental building blocks of Black politics. Each contains peer-reviewed articles, a symposium section, and book reviews, as well as other featured sections.Together, these books build on the previous NPSR volume, Black Women in Politics. The symposium in Volume 17:1 examines the struggle of Black women, both in the political science discipline and in getting their work published. In the symposium section of Volume 17:2, members of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists carry on a revealing conversation about the dilemmas of professional life for Black women in political science.The set also contains a section called "Trends," which offers data to use as starting points for discussions in teaching, on professional panels, or in the mass media, regarding the new versions of the Voting Rights Act after the Shelby County v. Holder decision of 2013. Both volumes 17:1 and 17:2 contain rigorously vetted articles on significant themes in the study of Black politics. This set represents the most recent offering in the distinguished National Political Science Review series.

"Aaron Wildavsky, along with Mary Douglas, identified what they called grid-group theory. Wildavsky began calling this "cultural theory," and applied it to an astounding array of subjects. The essays in this volume exemplify the theory''s potential contributions to three seemingly disparate, but related, areas: the social construction of meaning, normative/analytic political philosophy, and a theory of rational choices. This book is the first in a series of Aaron Wildavsky''s collected writings being published posthumously by Transaction. Wildavsky selected, sequenced, and grouped all but three of the essays included in Culture and Social Theory prior to his death. Some are presented here for the first time. Wildavsky''s cultural theory provides ways to organize and interpret the world.In the first section, he shows how social scientists, particularly economists and sociologists, apply the theory. Wildavsky argues that concepts such as externalities, public goods, altruism, and even risk and rape are tools of rival, ubiquitous cultures engaged in perpetual struggle with one another. The second section deals with cultural theory as a way to interpret the works of normative and analytic political philosophers, including Thomas Hobbes and John Stuart Mill, on competing human objectives. Wildavsky argues that particular types of interaction among a society''s cultures are necessary for effective realization of basic concepts such as democracy. In the third section, Wildavsky applies cultural theory in conjunction with instrumental rationality, the former as a theory of preference formation, the latter as a device for realizing preferences efficiently. High-priority objectives, and thus the character of norms and rational action, shift across cultures. The world and its various elements comprise a complex, frequently changing, and thus ambiguous reality, nowhere more so than in the dynamic contours of the United States. For cultural theory, individualistic, hierarchical, and egalitarian interpretations of the world are the only ones capable of forming and sustaining institutions and related patterns of social relations that will support human social groups.Wildavsky''s central objective is to strip away the camouflage and to reveal varying domains of social life as fields of cultural competition. Culture and Social Theory will be a necessary addition to the libraries of political scientists, economists, and policymakers, not to mention all those who admire Aaron Wildavsky and his work."--Provided by publisher.

"Broadening the Contours in the Study of Black Politics, volume 17 of the National Political Science Review (NPSR), is divided thematically into two books, available separately or as a set. The first concentrates on the institutional aspects of Black politics. The second book addresses various dimensions of social capital that constitute the fundamental building blocks of Black politics. Each contains peer-reviewed articles, a symposium section, and book reviews, as well as other featured sections. Together, these books build on the previous NPSR volume, Black Women in Politics. The symposium in Volume 17:1 examines the struggle of Black women, both in the political science discipline and in getting their work published. In the symposium section of Volume 17:2, members of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists carry on a revealing conversation about the dilemmas of professional life for Black women in political science. The set also contains a section called "Trends," which offers data to use as starting points for discussions in teaching, on professional panels, or in the mass media, regarding the new versions of the Voting Rights Act after the Shelby County v. Holder decision of 2013. Both volumes 17:1 and 17:2 contain rigorously vetted articles on significant themes in the study of Black politics. This set represents the most recent offering in the distinguished National Political Science Review series."--Provided by publisher.

Foreword p. xi Preface to the Fifth Edition p. xix Preface to the First Edition p. xxvii Biographical Note p. xxxiii Chapter 1 Budgeting as Conflicting Promises p. 1 Budgets Are Conflicting Commitments p. 7 Tax Preferences p. 11 Appropriations: The Power of Congress and Power Within Congress p. 13 The President Is Both Rival and Partner of Congress p. 16 Conflicting Promises: The Multiple Meanings of Budgetary Control p. 19 Chapter 2 Budgets as Struggles for Power: A Historical Perspective p. 25 Colonial Origins p. 26 Turning Points: Civil War through World War I p. 30 The Executive Budget Movement p. 33 Dislocation and Continuity: Depression and War p. 40 Chapter 3 The Dance of the Dollars: Classical Budgeting p. 42 Calculations p. 44 Complexity p. 44 Aids to Calculation p. 45 Incremental Budgeting p. 46 Roles and Perspectives p. 50 The Agency p. 50 The Bureau of the Budget p. 54 The Appropriations Committees p. 56 Strategies p. 57 Be a Good Politician p. 58 Clientele p. 58 Confidence p. 60 Congressional Committee Hearings p. 62 Strategies Designed to Capitalize on the Fragmentation of Power in National Politics p. 62 Chapter 4 The Collapse of Consensus p. 68 The Growth of Entitlements p. 69 Economic Activism p. 70 Federal Credit p. 71 Priorities p. 72 Impoundment p. 73 The Budget Act: More Checks, More Balances, but Not More Control p. 75 Impoundment Again p. 75 Congressional Budget Office p. 76 Senate Budget Committee and House Budget Committee p. 76 Scheduling p. 76 Resolutions p. 77 Reconciliation p. 78 Complexity p. 78 A Congressional Budget, or Merely More Budgeting? p. 78 The Budget Process, 1975--1979: Making Totals Stick p. 79 Classical Budgeting Withers Without Quite Disappearing p. 81 Chapter 5 The Politics of Dissensus p. 83 Why Budget Decisions Became So Difficult p. 84 The Focus on Totals p. 84 The End of Economic Management p. 85 Dominance of the Deficit p. 86 Polarization of the Parties p. 87 The Congressional Budget Act in the 1980s p. 88 R and R: Resolution and Reconciliation p. 88 Deferral and Rescission Redux p. 90 The Shifting Budgetary Base p. 91 Continuing Omnibus Resolutions p. 92 OMB in an Era of Perennial Budgeting p. 93 Top-Down Policy Making p. 94 Continuous Budgeting p. 94 Negotiating with Congress p. 95 Implications for OMB p. 96 Dissensus in Congress p. 97 Role Reversal p. 97 Rolled on the Floor p. 98 Budgeting Penetrates Congress p. 100 Gimmicks p. 100 Chapter 6 The Politics of Balancing Budgets p. 103 Gramm-Rudman-Hollings p. 105 The Budget Enforcement Act of 1990 p. 106 The Clinton Budget of 1993 p. 108 The Politics of Radical Reversal 1995 p. 111 Prologue: Constitutional Amendment and Rescission p. 112 Budgets and Counterbudgets: The President''s Budget and the Congressional Resolution p. 113 Incrementalism in Mirror Image: Appropriations p. 114 Confrontation: Continuing Resolutions and the Debt Limit p. 115 Reconciliation and Intransigence p. 118 The Balanced Budget Act of 1997 p. 120 Chapter 7 Entitlements p. 123 The "Ought" and "Is" of Entitlements p. 124 Entitlements and Budgeting p. 129 How Do Entitlements Start? p. 132 Why Do Entitlements Grow? p. 135 Maintaining Commitment: Social Security p. 136 Escalating Costs: Medicare p. 138 Expanding Eligibility: Medicaid p. 140 Provider Pressures: End-Stage Renal Disease p. 142 How Have Entitlements Been Controlled? p. 144 Declining Need: Black Lung Disease p. 145 Ending an Entitlement: Welfare p. 146 Entitlements and Others p. 148 Appropriations: Head Start and WIC p. 148 Tax Expenditures: Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) p. 149 Formula Grants to States: Adoption Assistance Program, Individuals With Disabilities Education Act, and the Ryan White Care Act p. 149 Chapter 8 Budgeting for Defense p. 152 Dimensions of Defense p. 153 Defense Strategy and Funding p. 155 The Internal Budget Process p. 161 Planning, Programming, Budgeting p. 161 Acquisitions p. 165 The Congressional Budget Process p. 170 Reprogramming p. 173 Secrecy p. 175 Cuts p. 176 Contingencies p. 179 Chapter 9 Reform p. 181 Norms of Budgetary Behavior p. 181 Forms of Budgeting p. 184 Reform Without Conflict p. 184 The Politics in Budget Reform p. 186 Unit of Measurement: Cash or Volume p. 187 Time Span: Months, One Year, Many Years p. 188 Calculation: Incremental or Comprehensive p. 189 Management Reforms p. 191 Performance and Budgeting p. 191 Centralization and Decentralization: The Role of OMB p. 193 Credit Reform p. 195 Financial Management p. 196 Capital Budgeting p. 197 Limits p. 198 The Line-Item Veto p. 200 Chapter 10 From Surplus to Deficit p. 205 The Disappearing Deficit p. 205 The Politics of Budget Surplus p. 208 The End of the Surplus p. 212 Afterword p. 219 Characteristics of the Budget Process p. 219 The Budgetary Process Is Powerful Yet Impotent p. 220 The Budgetary Process Is Structured Yet Formalistic p. 220 The Budgetary Process Is Complex Yet Segmented p. 221 Budgetary Politics Are Polarized but Moderated p. 223 Glossary p. 225 Guide to Acronyms p. 230 Select Bibliography p. 231 Credits p. 245 Index.

La historia y la teoría de la profesión; Temas de organización y administración; Temas intergubernamentales y comparados; Metodología; La política pública.

"Singer and Wildavsky''s distinction between a zone of peace and a zone of turmoil resonates as a crisp and straightforward distinction that possesses much explanatory power and is embedded in a deep political insight. That distinction is, in my opinion, destined to become the way we think of the new world order. I know of no recent book that competes with this one for its scope and vision combined with nontechnical analysis." —Bruce Bueno de Mesquita Silver Professor of Politics at New York University and senior fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University

Why does it matter is animals cancer studies are worthwhile or worthless or someplace in between? The answers to this question is that regulation of exposure to chemicals, including the intermittent exposure to trace elements to which the general public is subject, is largely based on interpretations of animal cancer bioassays. If these tests are reasonably accurate in predicting the probability, sites, and severity of human cancers, then regulation of chemicals suspected of causing cancer (carcinogens) is on firm ground. But if these animal cancer tests are weak or worse, so that one cannot reasonably predict human cancers from them, then regulation rests on quicksand.

Wildavsky demonstrates how various recent presidents have attempted to escape or overcome their beleaguered status by such devices as focusing on only a few issues or shedding responsibility (or blame) to other actors, or treating policy problems as if they were essentially administrative in nature. The book analyzes the wide divergence on public policy among Democratic and Republican activists and assesses the efforts of presidents from Nixon through Bush to cope, at times successfully, often not, with these divisions.

Can we know the risks we face, now or in the future? No, we cannot; but yes, we must act as if we do. Some dangers are unknown; others are known, but not by us because no one person can know everything. Most people cannot be aware of most dangers at most times. Hence, no one can calculate precisely the total risk to be faced. How, then, do people decide which risks to take and which to ignore? On what basis are certain dangers guarded against and others relegated to secondary status? This book explores how we decide what risks to take and which to ignore, both as individuals and as a culture.

Why are humans one of the few species to have sex in private? Why are human females the only mammals to go through menopause? Why is the human penis so unnecessarily large? There is no more knowledgeable authority than the award-winning author of THE THIRD CHIMPANZEE to answer these intriguing questions. Here is a delightfully entertaining and enlightening look at the unique sex lives of humans. Copyright © Libri GmbH. All rights reserved.