Most Popular Books by Ian Ross

Wagoosh has a vision, and follows the signs south. Absalom, an escaped house slave, is running north. When the two meet, the inevitable clash of cultures leads us into little-explored historical territory-and on a strange and desperate flight from Abraham, the plantation owner. Red, black, and white, eventually the men must come to grips with the things that unite them as well as those that divide them. With humour, music, and poetry, Governor-General's Award-winner Ian Ross paints a compelling picture of the complex nature of race relations in 19th-century America.

The Cree language edition of Ian Ross' GovernorGeneral's award-winning play fareWel. A great resourcefor Cree language teachers. A must have for Cree language readers.

TEARS IN HEAVEN is for those who desire the truth and have retained the potential to search for it. Illuminati conspiracy? New World Order (NWO)? Skull and Bones Society and the Bohemian Club? What is the link between ancient Egypt and the Pharaohs with early Christiality and the Church's cover-up today? You have read the fiction (or near fiction) in the likes of "The da Vinci Code" by Dan Brown and "Holy Blood Holy Grail" by Michael Baigent. Now it's time to get the facts from archeologist and historian Ian Vayro. You won't be disappointed. Very few people, Christian and non-Christian, know why they are here on earth or where they are headed. Two thousand years of institutional religion has been less than successful at remedying this situation, simply planting seeds of further uncertainty and confusion. In the past, the Church has been accepted as the arbitrator and authority on theology and learning but the facade is now falling apart as an absolute multitude of lies and deceptions are continually exposed. Despite a mandate of helping the people of this planet, the cleverly veneered assurance of the Church under a guise of 'goodness', have served only to create distrust, disharmony and religious wars. There is a reason that conflict is occurring.

Unmanned aerial vehicles (i.e. drones) are quickly being adopted by many countries, corporations, international organizations, police and immigration forces and by the general population. Consider that you can now buy a drone to fly, spy and record for as little as US$300. Although public purchase and use of drones is an important area of research, our focus is on the large unmanned aerial vehicles, hereafter referred to as drones, that are equipped with missiles and bombs that have progressively become the newest wave in 'warfare.' Historically, drones have been used primarily for surveillance and reconnaissance purposes. This includes drones used in World War II, Vietnam, the Israeli/Syrian conflict, and the Persian Gulf War. The use of drones, however, has increased since the US began using them in the war on terrorism in Afghanistan (2001) for reconnaissance, and in 2002 when an unmanned Predator drone was used to carry out a targeted killing. Consider that since 2007 the United States has carried out attacks and targeted killings in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Pakistan, the Philippines, Mali, Somalia and Yemen. Israel has used drones in air strikes in Egypt and Sudan as well as the occupied territories (Cole 2013). The technological advances being made and the growing numbers of 'battle-equipped' drones being bought and used by countries have prompted non-governmental agencies, military units and journalists to praise as well as criticize their capabilities and the government policies guiding their use. However, until lately social scientists have generally neglected to pay attention to this growing phenomenon. We hope to begin to address this glaring gap by suggesting that the use of these drones for targeted assassinations is a normality of governing a modern capitalistic state. Our primary focus is on the United States as it is and continues to be the global leader in terms of using and legitimating this new technology in its war against terror. In order to understand the use of drones in modern warfare, the authors place the rise of drones in the context where crisis, exception and emergency are not sporadic events for states in the context of war but a constant choice of political management/administration in the exercise of violence. As noted by Neocleous (2006), over the course of the twentieth century and up to 4 September 2011 the US has declared thirty national emergencies. Further, it is through law that violent state actions and policies, such as the use of drones and targeted assassinations, conducted in 'emergency conditions,' become legitimated, legalized and normalized. Simply, we suggest that the use of drones for targeted assassinations is one small example of state violence that is increasingly becoming an accepted and regular exercise of US power that works alongside and within the rule of law as a political strategy in the ongoing construction and reunification of social order. As Singer (2009: 19) rightly notes, '[a]n amazing revolution is taking place on the battlefield, starting to change not just how wars are fought, but also the politics, economics, laws, and ethics that surround war itself.' As Neocleous (2006) rightly notes, examination of the laws of war reveals that, despite rhetoric to the contrary, the laws of war have been articulated to privilege military necessity at the cost of humanitarian values. 'As a result, the laws of war have facilitated rather than restricted wartime violence' (Jochnick and Normand 1994: 50).

"History of Pymble Golf Club 1924-2005"--Provided by publisher.

"Evan and Dawn are getting to know each other; as a young native man, Evan is unsure how to approach dating a 'middle-class' white woman. The 'gap' he perceives, real or otherwise, between his culture, his politics, and his lifestyle, and Dawn's, continues to widen, preventing them both from moving forward. The two young lovers struggle not so much to keep the balance as to find it."--Back cover of print.

An account of Leeds United's 1992 League Championship season which culminated in their victory in the penultimate game.

The Gulf States are what many comparativists call traditional societies and as such have a number of unique features (Lerner, 1964). Yet these countries experience the forces of modernization, including economic growth, increases in population, a rise in crime and educational attainment, technology, and the presence of foreigners. In fact, according to Norton (1993; 216), "the best opportunity to create a vibrant civil society may come in those states widely viewed as 'traditional' or 'backward.' In cases where the state has not erected elaborate mechanisms for control and intimidation, nor fostered an enormous bureaucracy or a big state elite, political development may follow different paths." The Gulf crisis and war of 1990, hereafter referred to as the Gulf Conflict, left in its wake the potential for major western style democratic reforms, many of which can effect policing. Although a number of books (e.g., Graz, 1992) and articles (e.g., Khalidi, 1991) have examined, in whole or in part, the general impact of the Conflict, this chapter specifically explores how the municipal police in three dominant Gulf countries -- namely, the former Republic of Yemen, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia -- were affected by the Conflict. In particular, it analyzes the change process itself and how the police responded to calls for reform. In order to achieve this objective, the chapter briefly reviews the legal structures, history, organization, challenges, and changes that have been implemented in the municipal police forces of the three countries before, during, and since the Conflict.

How much of linguistic meaning is simply a corollary of rational behavior? And what is the best way to represent and compute conversational implicatures? I aim to show that the Games of Partial Information (GPIs) of Parikh (2001) are descriptively and explanatorily superior to the leading pragmatic theories of conversational implicature. Explicitly based on utility maximization, Parikh's game-theoretic account of communication captures the distinct advantages of the current disparate theories of conversational implicature. It has the clarity, focus, and explicit predictions of the neo-Griceans' accounts of utterance meaning (Levinson, 2000), while also demonstrating the flexibility of relevance theorists' accounts focused on utterance interpretation (Sperber and Wilson, 1995). Bidirectional Optimality Theory (Dekker and van Rooy, 2000), another game-theoretic/utility-based framework, is a marked improvement over neo-Gricean and relevance theory, but it lacks the scope and power needed to fully account for the context sensitivity of conversational implicature. The prior probabilities of GPIs (and their weighted sums) allow contextual factors to be taken into account, and can explain hitherto unexamined aspects of scalar implicature. It is shown that in some cases both Sauerland's and Chierchia's theories fail and in other cases one fails and the other does not. GPIs provide a framework that obviates the need for exclusively localist or globalist accounts of implicature. The insight missing from Chierchia's and Sauerland's theories is that their sets of predictions are not mutually exclusive: whether utterances have Chierchia-style localist meanings or a Sauerland-style globalist meanings is not a question that can be settled across the board, once and for all. Rather, whether a particular utterance has a localist or globalist meaning depends on a set of context-sensitive parameters: prior probabilities of possible intended meanings, the utterance costs of unambiguous expressions of those meanings, and the (dis)utility that the interlocutors derive from (mis)communicating those meanings. In cases for which the localist and the globalist make the same predictions, there is simply no fact of the matter of whether that meaning was local or global---the problem is ultimately solved on a higher level of abstraction, rendering localism and globalism both epiphenomenal.